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Subject: IP: WTO head blames "dot-com types" for anti-capitalist violence
>Date: Sat, 7 Jul 2001 12:54:43 -0400 >From: Declan McCullagh <declan@well.com> >To: politech@politechbot.com > > >News coverage: > > Dot-commers to blame for anti-capitalist violence, says WTO boss > http://www.theregister.co.uk/content/6/20242.html > 2001-07-06 18:35:04 > >Excerpt from speech: > > It would strengthen the hand of those who seek change if NGOs distance > themselves from masked stone-throwers who claim to want more > transparency, anti-globalization dot.com-types who trot out slogans > that are trite, shallow and superficial. This will not do as a > substitute for civilized discourse. > >"Dot com types?" This shows a man who's out of touch with reality. > >-Declan > >******** > >http://www.wto.org/english/news_e/spmm_e/spmm67_e.htm > > WTO news: SPEECHES -- DG MIKE MOORE > > 6 July 2001 > Open Societies, Freedom, Development and Trade > Plenary Opening WTO Symposium on Issues Confronting the World Trading > System Geneva > > It is a pleasure to welcome you, it is good you are here and I look > forward to the discussions, debate, exchanges and differences over the > next two days. > > None of us has perfect knowledge; anything can be improved, that is > why gatherings such as this are important. I would like to see them as > a permanent, regular feature of the WTO's activities budgeted for, > planned for, and useful to Member Governments, our staff and the wider > public. > > I welcome scrutiny, it makes us stronger and more accountable. Thank > you to those who have made this event possible through financial > contributions: Canada, European Commission, Japan, Netherlands, > Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, United States. > > The debate about globalization means we are now closely scrutinized. I > welcome this attention. The WTO does important work and decisions > taken by our institution affect the lives of ordinary men and women > all over the world. It is right that we should be held accountable. > > Governments recognized the need for international and regional > responses to problems we have in common. No single nation alone can > combat Aids, clean the environment, run a tax system and manage > airlines without the cooperation of others. This is why we have > established institutions and treaties such as the UN, ILO, WTO, World > Bank, and the Law of the Sea. But there has not been a corresponding > dedication of political resources, time, finance and focus to hold us > more accountable to our owner Governments and the people. > > Through our initiatives such as the recent IPU Meeting of > Parliamentarians on Trade Issues and symposia such as this, we are > encouraging greater involvement from all sectors of political and > civil society to help us do a better job. > > Voters and consumers want more information and control, greater > accountability and greater ownership. They want to know what their > governments are doing not just nationally but also internationally. > This is a good thing. Globally, we are now more prosperous and > relations between states are more peaceful than ever before in world > history. Yet many people feel alienated from power and ownership. > Ministers now often find their toughest negotiations are not with each > other but at home inside their Parliaments and Congresses, with > coalition parties, cabinet colleagues, civil society, Member states. > It is tougher than in my day. > > Globalization is not new. It is a process, not a policy. Historians > argue that there were higher levels of trade, and certainly a greater > movement of people, one hundred years ago than there are today. What > is new is that everyone knows about it, has an opinion and that is > good. The questions of how we manage change is what we are here to > discuss. Some think if you abolished the WTO then you would abolish > globalization. I believe that the civilized answer to differences is > rules and law. What brings the WTO into this debate is our dispute > settlement system, which binds outcomes legally. Good people are > puzzled. Why, they ask, can we have a binding system for trade but not > the for environment, labour, children and gender rights, human rights, > animal rights, indigenous rights? Why can we not settle differences > that drive nations and tribes to war in a similar way? Good point. I > am sure that Kofi Annan would relish such a system. Critics, who are > not all mad or bad, frequently say we have too much power. Some of > them want to give us more powers and responsibilities. It is also > about jurisdiction. In which international institution should these > powers and responsibilities reside? We need to recognize the gaps in > the international architecture. For example, there is no powerful, > funded, global environmental agency. There should be. Heavy, fresh and > creative thinking must be done about the roles, functions, > jurisdictions, obligations, management and mandates of all > international institutions and how we deliver our services. This is > where those not captured by process and bureaucracy can help the > debate. I would welcome your views. A dear friend called our process > and culture medieval. Hopefully, we are moving into an age of > enlightenment, made brighter by the illumination of the information > age, which will allow us to communicate in ways never dreamed of by > our founders. > > The WTO is made up of 142 Members and operates on a basis of > consensus. This means all Members are equal under the rules. It means > all Members have the right to participate in decision-making. > Consensus means all Members have veto power. WTO agreements are > negotiated by Ambassadors representing their respective countries. > Before the agreements enter into force, they are referred back to > Governments. Governments are in turn accountable to parliaments who > are responsible for passing legislation because our agreements must be > ratified by legislators. Every two years, we are held accountable and > given direction at a Ministerial Conference. > > We are steadily improving the position and participation of > non-resident WTO members and helping more modest missions in our work > in Geneva. Work is underway by Members in important areas of internal > and external transparency. > > Our owners jealously defend their rights and prerogatives. Even having > these symposia is controversial and not universally supported. Let me > share why. Many Ministers and Ambassadors say it is not the job of the > WTO to embrace NGOs and civil society. They say that should be done at > the national level in the formation of national policy positions. They > are correct but only 90% correct. > > Now, because I have been so polite and have given you a message of > welcome, may I ask for your assistance. Nothing upsets our owners more > than the mindless, undemocratic enemies of the open society who have > as a stated aim the prevention of Ministers and our leaders from even > meeting. Imagine the attitude of the Minister from South Africa who > was imprisoned during South Africa's struggle for freedom when faced > with this attitude in the streets of Seattle. Or the Swedish Minister > who wanted to focus on issues of sustainable development, Aids and how > to extend freedoms we take for granted across a wider Europe, yet had > his leader's conference attacked. > > It would strengthen the hand of those who seek change if NGOs distance > themselves from masked stone-throwers who claim to want more > transparency, anti-globalization dot.com-types who trot out slogans > that are trite, shallow and superficial. This will not do as a > substitute for civilized discourse. > > Who is to blame? There is enough blame for all of us to share. Perhaps > we could consider new principles of engagement. A debate should be > held and understandings reached between civil society, the > international institutions and Governments for a code of conduct that > could include: > * The rejection of violence > * Transparency from NGOs as to their membership, their finances, > their rules of decision-making > * Governments, business and foundations should insist on rules of > transparency and adhere to an agreed code, before they provide > funding. > > Governments and their institutions should, in return, give those who > follow such rules a stake in the process. And we need to accept that > there is a fundamental difference between transparency and > participation on the one hand and negotiations on the other which in > the end only Governments can do. > > If a group wish to help draft such a set of guidelines, I promise to > look at it and talk to other institutions and Governments. > > Let me turn briefly to the current WTO work programme. Key decisions > will be taken in the weeks and months ahead decisions that will have a > far-reaching impact on the future of the world trading system. At the > Ministerial Conference to take place in Doha in November, we must > leave the WTO stronger and more open, ready to play its full part in > international trade relations. To achieve this, I believe we must > launch a new round or a wider set of negotiations. There are several > reasons why we need this. > > The economic argument for a new round is compelling. Cutting by a > third barriers to trade in agriculture, manufacturing and services > would boost the world economy by $613 billion, according to one study > from Michigan University. That is equivalent to adding an economy the > size of Canada to the world economy. Doing away with all trade > barriers would boost the world economy by nearly $1.9 trillion, or the > equivalent of 2 Chinas. Of course, these are only estimates. > Reasonable people can quibble about the exact size of the gains from a > new round. But the basic message from study after study is clear: a > new round brings huge benefits. > > We are making progress on market access for LDCs because of EU > leadership, the US-Africa bill, and other initiatives. Twenty-nine > countries have made more access available, we must do more but can > best get final progress inside a wider negotiation. > > OECD agricultural subsidies in dollar terms are two-thirds of Africa's > total GDP. Abolition of these subsidies would return three times all > the Official Development Assistance put together to developing > countries. Kofi Annan wants $10 billion to fight Aids; that is just 12 > days of subsidies in dollar terms. > > The development argument is compelling. Notwithstanding the advances > over the last 50 years, 1.2 billion people are still living on less > than $1 a day. Another 1.6 billion are living on less than $2 a day. > It is a tragedy that while our planet is blessed with sufficient > resources to feed its 6 billion people, many are going hungry and > living in misery. Poverty in all its forms is the greatest threat to > peace, democracy, the environment and human rights. The poor fear > marginalization more than globalization. > > Samuel Brittan produced a chart recently in the Financial Times. Over > the past fifty years, less-developed areas' life-expectancy has risen > by over 20 years, adult literacy from 40 per cent to 70 per cent. For > China, literacy is up by 34 percentage points, India 33, Sub-Saharan > Africa 39, and North Africa 41. Life expectancy for China is up by > over 27 years, India by over 21 years and Northern Africa by over 20 > years. > > What does this prove? Little, other than in general the past 50 years > has seen the condition of our species progress at a pace unparalleled > in history. > > Can I be politically incorrect? Just because the great economic powers > want something, that does not automatically make it wrong. The truth > is a stubborn thing. The EU, US and Japan account for over sixty per > cent of the world's imports. Some observers have suggested recession > for all three. If that is true, it will be the first time all three > have been in recession in twenty-five years. There is a slow down, how > slow we have yet to experience. That cuts jobs and revenue everywhere. > I am now reluctant to predict the economic future, because I have > accurately predicted five of the last two recessions. > > A more open world has its dangers, but a closed world divided into > tribal compartments has proved lethal in the past. The tribes of > Europe are a good example. Where the tribes appreciate and respect > each other's differences culture, music, religion, food and commerce > we enjoy a united Europe. Human rights and living standards are high. > A united Europe is a force for good. Where tribalism flourishes human > progress and human dignity are imperilled. Compare the Baltic States > and the state of the Balkans. Compare North Korea and South Korea. > Night and day, open or closed. Before the Soviets moved in to the > Baltic States, they had a living standard comparable with Denmark and > now they are bouncing back; pre-war Czechoslovakia was comparable with > France. Is France less French because she is in the EU? No. Does trade > prevent development? Ask Korea, which had a lower living standard than > many African States forty-five years ago. Korea now has a living > standard closer to Portugal and look how Portugal has prospered since > she opened up and joined the EU. > > I know trade alone is not the answer, but it is part of the cocktail > necessary for progress. Good governance, debt relief, infrastructure > investment, education, sustainable development, health programmes, all > have a role to play. > > I welcome you all and what you have to offer. I look forward to solid > debate and ideas that Ambassadors and Governments and our officials > can pick up, so we can improve our performance and all do a better > job. > >### > > > >------------------------------------------------------------------------- >POLITECH -- Declan McCullagh's politics and technology mailing list >You may redistribute this message freely if you include this notice. >To subscribe, visit http://www.politechbot.com/info/subscribe.html >This message is archived at http://www.politechbot.com/ >------------------------------------------------------------------------- For archives see: http://www.interesting-people.org/
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